The Riddle of Amish Culture Read online

  Children learn to “give up” and “give in” at an early age. Parents teach their children that self-will must be purged if they want to become children of God.13 The large size of families teaches young children to wait their turn as they yield to siblings and prepares them for living a yielded life. Amish children are less likely to use first person singular pronouns—I, me, mine, myself, and my—than non-Amish children.14 A personality test administered to children in several settlements found that Amish personality types differed significantly from non-Amish ones. The Amish personality exemplified Gelassenheit: “Quiet, friendly, responsible, and conscientious. Works devotedly to meet his obligations and serve his friends and school . . . patient with detail and routine. Loyal, considerate, concerned with how other people feel even when they are in the wrong.”15

  The Amish believe that the quickest way to spoil children is to let them have their own way. Parents and teachers are encouraged to “work together so that bad habits . . . disobedience, disrespect, etc. can be nipped in the bud so to speak.”16 For young children, a spanking may help to stop misbehavior. Children are taught to yield, to wait, to submit. An Amish leader noted: “By the time that the child reaches the age of three the mold has started to form and it is the parents’ duty to form it in the way that the child should go. When the child is old enough to stiffen its back and throw back its head in temper it is old enough to gently start breaking that temper.”17 “Spanking,” said one mother, “is what makes Amish children so nice.” Visitors to Amish homes often remark about the nice and quiet children.

  The Amish think the children of Moderns are often spoiled by being driven from club to club and lesson to lesson in hope that they will discover their true selves. In contrast, Amish children are washing dishes by hand, feeding cows, pulling weeds, and mowing lawns. They are learning to lose their selves, to yield to the larger purposes of family and community. JOY, a widely used school motto, reminds children that Jesus is first, you are last, and others are in between. The essence of Gelassenheit is tucked away in a favorite school verse:

  I must be a Christian child,

  Gentle, patient, meek, and mild;

  Must be honest, simple, true

  In my words and actions too.

  I must cheerfully obey,

  Giving up my will and way.18

  It would be wrong to conclude that losing one’s self in Amish society is demeaning or dehumanizing. Bending to the call of community does not smother individual expression. The Amish neither wallow in self-contempt nor champion weak personalities. Within limits, creative self-expression flourishes—from quilting patterns to stickers on lunch pails, from gardening to hobbies, from farming to crafts. As in other societies, Amish personality styles, preferences, and habits vary. The constraints of Amish culture would certainly suffocate the “free spirits” of the modern world. But Amish children, taught to respect the primacy of the community, usually feel less stifled by the constraints than Moderns who cherish individuality.

  The grammar of Gelassenheit regulates interaction with others. How one smiles, laughs, shakes hands, removes one’s hat, and drives one’s horse signal Gelassenheit or its absence. A boisterous laugh and a quick retort betray a cocky spirit. An aggressive handshake and a curt greeting disclose an assertive self that does not befit Gelassenheit. Rather, a gentle chuckle, a hesitation, and a refined smile embody a yielded and submissive spirit. A slow and thoughtful answer, a deference to the other’s idea, and a reluctance to interrupt a conversation are signs of Gelassenheit. In a small community, individuals know one another well enough that there is no need to “sell” themselves. Thus, the yielded self does not flaunt itself in everyday life. An Amish bishop ended his letter to one of his members with these words: “Remember us in your prayers, for we are likewise minded in weakness. Only me.”

  The contented smile of Gelassenheit.

  The goal of Amish life is a tame, gentle, and domesticated self—one that yields to the community’s larger goals. But even in Amish society there is room for manipulation. A clever person may learn subtle ways of presenting a “yielded” impression to others for personal gain. A yielded self is especially valued in church life and with elders and others in authority. Men who are assertive and boisterous with outsiders will suddenly become meek and mild in the presence of their bishop. Bold, untamed selves are more likely to flare up with outsiders in business deals, at play, around the barn, and especially among teenagers.

  WAITING ON DIVINE PROVIDENCE

  As a master disposition, Gelassenheit also regulates religious experience and practice. In the broader world, religious doctrines are often packaged in theological formulas designed to hold the faithful and convince nonbelievers of the truth. Some formulas imply that one can “find the answers,” “be sure of salvation,” and have “no doubts” about religious faith. In this view, eternal salvation can be achieved by believing and acting properly. This religious logic separates ends from means, for example, “I must be saved in order to achieve eternal life.” Such a calculation assumes that one can decide, that one must decide, and that ultimately one controls one’s own destiny.

  It is precisely at this point that Amish faith bewilders those with evangelical religious persuasions. Amish faith is holistic. The Amish resist separating means and ends—salvation and eternal life. They are reluctant to say that they are sure of salvation. They focus on living faithfully while waiting on providence—trusting that things will turn out well. Announcing that one is certain of eternal salvation reveals a haughty attitude that mocks the spirit of Gelassenheit. The faithful, in the Amish view, are called to yield to God’s eternal will and rest in hope that things will turn out for the best. After all, “not everyone who calls on the name of the Lord will be saved.” Indeed it is God, the Amish believe, that makes these weighty decisions. Boldly declaring oneself “saved” is a pretentious self-assertion that borders on idolatry in Amish thinking, for only God can make such claims.

  Amish ministers talk of “the hope of salvation” and of a “living hope.” Salvation is linked to obedience and faithful practice rather than to belief and emotion. “Feeling and experience is bubble and froth,” explained one bishop. Because salvation is tied to faithful living throughout a lifetime, the Amish hesitate to talk of assurance of salvation. In fact, to say that one is certain of eternal salvation is considered pride. “Humility,” said a bishop, “never exalts itself. Humility never boasts about salvation. There are two ditches along every road, and it’s easy to fall off.”

  The code words of the evangelical mind-set—personal salvation, personal evangelism, and personal devotions—accent the individual rather than the community as the center of redemptive activity. In refusing this vocabulary, the Amish bring a much more holistic, integrated view that does not separate the individual from community or faith from action. Evangelical and Amish vocabularies are analogous to two foreign languages describing the same sentiments of love. One is a communal language of patience, humility, community, and practice; the other is an individualistic language of beliefs, certainty, feelings, and experience. Whereas evangelical Christians want to know, control, plan, and act to guarantee their salvation, the Amish outlook is a more modest and perhaps a more honest one.

  The Amish view the Bible as a trustworthy guide for living, but they do not quote it incessantly. Those who do so are accused of being “Scripture smart,” for showing off their biblical knowledge. Personal interpretations of Scripture and small group Bible study are downplayed. Individual interpretation of the Scripture is considered dangerous. The Bible is considered trustworthy enough to speak for itself without interpretation. The Scripture is read aloud in church and in family settings where it is heard and interpreted in a communal context. Beyond their religious worldview, social control issues also come into play. Individual interpretations would quickly splinter uniform beliefs and, more importantly, the authority structure of the entire community.

  Much is at stake here be
cause this theological understanding undergirds the entire cultural system. A shift toward individual belief, subjective experience, and emotionalism would cultivate individualism and undermine the total package of traditional practices. By linking salvation to obedience and lifelong living, the Amish accent the importance of practicing the traditions of faith. Members are chastised if they attend Bible study groups or fellowship with “born again” Christians who boast of their personal faith and certainty of salvation. One member said it simply, “If you believe in assurance of salvation, you are not Old Order Amish. You are New Order.” Ex-Amish are often quite critical of the Amish emphasis on practice. A former member who joined an evangelical charismatic fellowship said the Amish promote “works and a way of life that makes the Amish religion just that, a religion. In our church we don’t need man-made rules, we just follow the Bible.”

  Some religious groups seek to transform or save the world by seeking converts and engaging in missionary programs. Indeed, groups can only grow in two ways: by making converts or having babies. Evangelism is foreign to the Amish. Rather than trying to save the world, they wait on divine providence. In tandem with this, they are surprisingly tolerant of other religious groups. Although firmly committed to their faith, they are reluctant to judge or condemn other people. They yield to the brotherhood, live faithfully in community, and trust that their offering of a yielded self will, in time, be acceptable to God.19

  THE HABIT OF OBEDIENCE

  Paired oppositions—obedience and disobedience, church and world, low and high, humility and pride, slow and fast, work and idleness—provide clues to the structure of meaning in Amish consciousness. Abundant throughout the culture, these code words permeate the training of children. Obedience tops the hierarchy of Amish values. Yielded individuals are obedient. Obedience to the will of God is the cardinal religious virtue. Disobedience is dangerous; it signals self-will and, if not confessed, leads to eternal separation from God. The confession for baptismal instruction predicts that the unbelieving, disobedient, and headstrong will receive eternal damnation.20

  Obedience to church regulations signals an inner obedience to the will of God. Those who are willing to crush selfish desires will gladly comply with church standards. The belligerent and headstrong, who challenge the order of the church, lack spiritual submission. Various religious phrases and Bible verses are used to underscore the importance of obedience and submission throughout the life cycle.

  The Amish emphasize the importance of rearing (die Zucht) a child properly. Childhood training ingrains obedience into daily routines making it a taken-for-granted habit. Learning obedience at an early age is a powerful means of social control. Children are taught from the Bible: “Obey your parents in the Lord for this is right.”21 “Spanking,” said one young mother, “is a given. We start at about a year and a half, and the majority of it is done before they turn five.”

  An Amish booklet on child rearing speaks of the “habits of obedience.” The Amish believe that parents should be “ready to punish disobedience,” “insist on obedience,” “allow no opposing replies,” and realize that “if orders are disobeyed once and no proper punishment given, disobedience is likely to come again.” Parents are expected to make children “understand that they must obey you.”22 Retorts and challenges from children, sometimes considered amusing forms of self-expression in mainstream culture, are not tolerated in Amish life. The child obeys the teacher in the Amish school, for “the teacher’s word is the final authority and is to be obeyed.”23 Learning to yield at an early age is a crucial step in preparing for a life of obedience.

  Children learn the virtues and habits of work at a young age.

  Adult members are expected to obey church rules and customs. A husband and a wife discuss many issues together, but in the end a wife is expected to obey her husband. Deacons and ministers are obedient servants of the bishop. Younger bishops defer to senior bishops. Obedience to divine and human authority regulates social relationships from the youngest child to the oldest bishop, who in turn is called to obey the Lord. To disobey at any level is tantamount to rebellion against God.

  These rites of surrender are sacrifices for the larger goal of an orderly and unified community. While expectations for obedience are firm and final, loving concern permeates the social system. A father spanks his child out of love. The bishop expels and shuns a member in “hopes of winning him back.” There are, of course, ruptures in the loving concern, but a tone of reverent obedience governs community life.

  THE VIRTUE OF HUMILITY

  Humility and pride frame Amish consciousness. Humility is rooted in biblical teachings. Pride, a religious term for the sinister face of individualism, has its own share of biblical condemnation. An Amish devotional guide says: “Read much in God’s Word and you will find many warnings against pride. No other sin was punished more severely. Pride changed angels to devils. A once powerful king, Nebuchadnezzar, was transformed into a brute beast to eat grass like an ox. And Jezebel, a dominant queen, was eaten of dogs as the result of her pride.”24

  The Amish make a sharp distinction between Hochmut (high-mindedness) and Demut (humility). High-mindedness is pride. On a cultural ladder, the Amish equate high-mindedness with arrogance and worldliness. Lowliness reflects humility and weakness—the true spirit of Gelassenheit. Consequently, the Amish speak of “high” individuals and “high” church districts, meaning those that are more worldly and more assimilated into the larger culture. By contrast, low families are the Plainer ones that “hold back” to the traditions of the past. The high and low distinctions are important symbolic boundaries in Amish culture.

  A cancerous threat to group commitment, pride elevates individuals above community. Proud individuals display a spirit of arrogance, not of Gelassenheit. The Amish view the proud person as “showing off,” “making a name for himself,” “taking care of herself,” and in all of these ways hoisting him-or herself above others. Proud people “call attention to themselves”; they are “pushy,” “bold,” “forward,” and “always jumping the fence.” A persistent threat to the common good, pride must be rooted out promptly by church leaders, for if left to sprout and grow, it will spread and debilitate the community. “It was pride,” said one minister, “that brought down the world the first time at the Flood.” The Amish cite numerous scriptures that condemn pride—the exaltation of self.

  A high look and a proud heart is sin. (Prov. 21:4);

  God hates a proud look. (Prov. 6:17);

  A proud heart is an abomination to the Lord. (Prov. 16:5);

  God resisteth the proud. (Jas. 4:6)

  Pride has many faces. The well-known Amish taboo against personal photographs is legitimated by a biblical command: “You shall not make for yourself a graven image or a likeness of anything” (Ex. 20:4). In the latter part of the nineteenth century, as photography was becoming popular, the Amish applied the biblical injunction against “likenesses” to photographs. Their aversion to photographs of individuals was a way of suppressing pride. If people pose for a photograph, they want to exalt themselves and are taking themselves too seriously. They might “think they are somebody.” Such people are obviously “out to make a name for themselves.” With religious sanction, this taboo suppresses individualism and cultivates Gelassenheit.25

  The Amish also believe that public recognition of personal achievement erodes humility. Moderns committed to self-advancement eagerly take credit for anything that will enhance their résumés. The legal apparatus of copyrights, credits, permissions, and acknowledgments is designed to assure that individuals receive proper recognition for their efforts. Just as Moderns work hard at earning credit, the Amish work hard at disavowing it. Amish people who yield properly are careful not to make a name for themselves, for that would lead to pride. If recognition comes, it must be modestly shared with others.

  Amish writers often write anonymously to avoid attracting attention (pride) to themselves. An Amishman who started using
his name at the end of published articles said: “I got my wings clipped and so I just stopped using my name.” An Amishman who published an essay under his name in a local newspaper was disciplined by the church with a six-week probation. Another member, who posed for a photograph to accompany a newspaper story about his use of computers, had clearly overstepped several taboos at once. Scrambling for cover, he took the unprecedented action of sending a letter of apology to a public newspaper. The Amish believe that proud individuals tack their names on everything, draw attention to themselves, and take personal credit for everything. The humble individual, by contrast, freely gives time and effort to strengthen the community and, in the spirit of Gelassenheit, declines public recognition.

  The Amish abhor publicity, which is the delight of modern organizations. They leave their public relations to the imagination of outsiders. When Amish achievements do appear in newsprint, names are conspicuously missing. This happened when one Amishman was designated “most improved” dairy farmer of the year. Tagging names on accomplishments turns them into acts of idolatry for human praise and applause. The Bible teaches that “pride comes before a fall,” and in Amish eyes, publicity leads to pride, which may make the community stumble. However, although the Amish deplore public recognition, they warmly recognize and gently praise personal contributions in face-to-face conversation.

  Faced with prosecution for not sending their children to high school in 1953, Amish fathers show the resignation of Gelassenheit in the office of a district magistrate.

  The presentation of the self is particularly vulnerable to pride. Vocabulary, dress, and body language reveal a proud or humble self. Modern society provides individuals with an astonishing repertoire of props for making up and presenting a self for every occasion. Hairstyles, clothing, jewelry, cosmetics, and suntans enable individuals to “package” themselves in a multitude of ways. These same tools of modernity, ironically, provide the means of conforming to the latest fads and fashions. The Amish believe that preening rituals, repeated morning after morning in suburban bathrooms, are infested with pride. Self-exaltation is diametrically opposed to the core values of Amish culture. Consequently, all cosmetic props are considered signs of pride, showing off “number one” and scorning the spirit of Gelassenheit. Moreover, the false mask of the “made up” face is seen as a lie, of sorts, that covers up the real face.