The Riddle of Amish Culture
The Riddle of Amish Culture
Center Books in Anabaptist Studies
Donald B. Kraybill
CONSULTING EDITOR
George F. Thompson
SERIES FOUNDER AND DIRECTOR
Published in cooperation with the Center for American Places, Santa Fe, New Mexico, and Harrisonburg, Virginia
The Riddle of Amish Culture
REVISED EDITION
Donald B. Kraybill
© 1989, 2001 The Johns Hopkins University Press
All rights reserved. Published 2001
Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper
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The Johns Hopkins University Press
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Kraybill, Donald B.
The riddle of Amish culture / Donald B. Kraybill—Rev. ed.
p. cm.—(Center books in Anabaptist studies)
“Published in cooperation with the Center for American Places, Santa Fe, New Mexico, and Harrisonburg, Virginia.” Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8018-6771-1 (acid-free paper)
ISBN 0-8018-6772-x (pbk. : acid-free paper)
1. Amish—United States. 2. Amish—Canada. 3. Amish—Pennsylvania—Lancaster County. I. Title. II. Series.
E184.M45 K73 2001
305.6′87—dc21 00-013054
A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library.
Page 399 is an extension of the copyright page.
For Gid (1913–1997)
who taught me the secrets of the riddle.
CONTENTS
PREFACE
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
1 The Amish Story
2 The Quiltwork of Amish Culture
3 Symbols of Integration and Separation
4 The Social Architecture of Amish Society
5 Rites of Redemption and Purification
6 Auctions, Frolics, and Gangs
7 Passing on the Faith
8 The Riddles of Technology
9 Harnessing the Power of Progress
10 The Transformation of Amish Work
11 Managing Public Relations
12 Regulating Social Change
13 Exploring Our Common Riddles
APPENDIXES
A. Research Procedures
B. Old Order Amish Lancaster County Settlement Population Estimates, 1880–2010
C. Estimated Amish Population by State and Province in North America
D. Settlements Originating from the Lancaster County Settlement, 1940–2000
E. Scripture Texts for Amish Church Services in the Lancaster Settlement
NOTES
SELECT REFERENCES
INDEX
PREFACE
The Amish are thriving in the twenty-first century despite their rejection of many contemporary values. From a meager band of 5,000 in 1900, they have blossomed to more than 180,000. Indeed, they are doubling about every twenty years. How do a tradition-laden people manage to flourish in a postmodern era? That enchanting riddle inspires this story. Apart from the big puzzle of Amish survival, smaller Amish riddles baffle us as well. Why, for example, do the Amish freely ride in cars but refuse to drive them? And why, pray tell, are tractors used at the barn but not in the field? Moreover, why would God smile on rollerblades but not on bicycles?
When the Amish look at contemporary society, they are equally perplexed by the riddles of “progress.” Why, they wonder, do civilized people deposit their aging parents in retirement centers, isolated from children and grandchildren? Why do professionals move around the country in pursuit of jobs, leaving family and neighbors behind? And, why do suburbanites sit on riding mowers to cut their lawns and then go to a fitness center for exercise? Each culture, to be sure, has its own set of riddles.
This book initiates a conversation between the riddles on both sides of the cultural fence. Such a dialogue not only explores the riddles of Amish culture but also prods us to ponder the puzzles of our own society. In this sense, the following pages are both a venture in cultural analysis, that is, an attempt to understand the dynamics of Amish society, and an exercise in social criticism—a reflective critique of contemporary culture. I hope these conversations across the cultural fence will help us understand both the Amish and ourselves in new and better ways.
Social scientists seek to maintain an objective, neutral stance when they analyze human societies. Yet social analysis always involves interpretation and judgment. In many ways it resembles storytelling. Creating a narrative from interviews and historical documents involves selection, omission, interpretation, emphasis, and embellishment. Stories have limits; certain fragments must be snipped. Some episodes are enriched by the yarn teller to underscore a theme or the teller’s special interest. And stories, of course, have a slant. They are told from a perspective—a particular vantage point.
The setting for this story is Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, home of the oldest surviving Amish settlement in the world. In addition to its age, the Lancaster Amish community holds several other distinctions. It is the world’s most densely populated Amish settlement, hosting the largest group of Amish who share similar religious practices. Moreover, it rests on the fringe of the urban sprawl in the eastern megalopolis—a region undergoing rapid suburbanization. These factors make Lancaster County an ideal setting to explore the Amish encounter with mainstream culture in the twenty-first century. The details of Amish practice vary from settlement to settlement across North America, but the basic values described in this book are widely shared in other Amish communities as well. In general, the Lancaster Amish tend to use more advanced technology than their ethnic cousins in some of the other North American settlements.
I have chosen to tell the Amish story for several reasons. First, it is a fascinating tale of a traditional people navigating their way through the swirling rapids of modern life. The outcome of their journey over the last century was perilous at every turn. This book introduces the basic features of Amish culture and charts their intriguing voyage in the context of the larger society in recent years.
Second, Amish culture is easily misunderstood. Despite inordinate publicity, misunderstandings of Amish life abound. We applaud them for caring for their elderly but are bewildered by their rejection of telephones in their homes. We will discover that many of their perplexing puzzles are reasonable solutions to the problems faced by a traditional group in the throes of social change. Putting the puzzles together will also help us solve the larger riddle of how they manage to thrive in a postmodern age.
Third, the Amish story clarifies the contemporary story—our story—in a new way. Venturing across the fence that separates the two cultures allows us to glance back and see our own society from a different angle. In the same way that learning a foreign language teaches us the grammar of our native tongue, so an excursion into Amish society informs us about our own culture. In short, exploring the Amish story enables us to understand our own story better.
And indeed, we have much to learn from the Amish and the wisdom in their reservoir of experience. They remind us that there are other ways to organize social life. They have coped with progress in radically different ways than has the broader society. And in the process, they have distilled some insights that can enlighten those of us swimming in the mainstream of contemporary culture.
This book is a comprehensive revision and updating of the first edition, published in 1989. The Amish community has changed in many ways over the fifteen years since the fieldwork was
done for the first edition. I have gathered new information on nearly nine hundred people and have updated all the demographic and historical data. The text has been lightly reorganized and carefully rewritten, line for line, word by word. Chapter 6 is a new chapter that explores the ways in which Amish society creates social capital to address individual needs and the broader welfare of their community. The research methods and data sources for the investigation are described in Appendix A.
Although this book provides an introduction to Amish culture, it is not a comprehensive study of Amish life. I have focused on those aspects of Amish society that are particularly relevant to solving the riddle of their growth and success. Topics such as courtship, weddings, funerals, foods, crafts, health, and medicine are treated lightly or not at all. Sources in the Select References will aid those who want to pursue such topics in depth.
Finally, a word on writing style. As much as possible, I have dispensed with technical sociological jargon. In some instances, I have used German words that are basic to understanding Amish culture and I discuss some theoretical and technical issues in the Notes. Because they speak a German dialect, the Amish typically refer to non-Amish people as English. However, for stylistic consistency and clarity, I have used the terms outsiders, non-Amish, and Moderns to refer to those of us living on the contemporary side of the cultural gap.
The term Modern begs for clarification. In many ways the larger society is moving toward what many observers are calling a postmodern era. However, the exact distinction between modern and postmodern social organization is still emerging because these changes reflect long-term shifts in values and patterns of social life. Despite the movement toward a postmodern era, the Amish struggle has focused on issues prompted by modernity—individualism, formal education, industrialization, and mass media. Thus, I use the word Moderns as a broad label to refer to non-Amish people who have been shaped by contemporary culture. I also use the term modern to refer to contemporary forms of culture and social organization in American society.
Modernity, of course, means ‘the state of being modern.’ I use the term modernity in two ways throughout the text: to describe the historic changes produced by the Age of Enlightenment, and as a descriptor of contemporary society. I use these slippery terms, not in opposition to postmodern, but as a convenient label for contemporary culture and society, and I trust that their meaning will be clear in the context of their use.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First and most importantly, I am deeply indebted to dozens of Amish people whose kind and generous sharing of their time and ideas have made this book possible. I have honored their requests to remain anonymous throughout the text. Moreover, I am grateful to numerous public officials and professional people who work closely with the Amish and who graciously granted interviews that have enriched the scope, accuracy, and depth of the story. A senior research fellowship from the National Endowment for the Humanities provided financial support for the archival research and fieldwork for the first edition.
The following people provided valuable counsel in the preparation of the first edition and their influence lingers in this edition as well: Carl F. Bowman, Ivan Glick, John A. Hostetler, James W. Hostetter, Gertrude Enders Huntington, David Luthy, Stephen Scott, David J. Rempel Smucker, Mervin Smucker, and Diane Zimmerman Umble. Staff of the following institutions kindly assisted me in many ways: The Heritage Historical Library, the High Library of Elizabethtown College, The Lancaster Mennonite Historical Society, the Murray Library of Messiah College, and the Pequea Bruderschaft Library.
I am especially thankful for the expertise of the following persons whose collaboration undergirds the project in many ways: Noah G. Good translated many of the original source materials from German; Linda Eberly created all of the graphic art throughout the book; and Charles Beyl sketched the cartoon in Chapter 9. I was fortunate to have the superb assistance of Louise Stoltzfus, who worked closely with me as a research associate in the preparation of the second edition. She coordinated the data-gathering effort on nearly nine hundred people in ten church districts. Moreover, she conducted numerous interviews and assisted me in the analysis and interpretation of the story in an always-gracious manner. Ed Klimuska has provided a steady source of suggestions, support, and encouragement over the years. My colleague Richard Stevick generously shared his knowledge of Amish youth and critiqued Chapter 6. Professor Steven M. Nolt collaborated with me in our study of Amish businesses, which has informed this revised edition. His scholarship and knowledge of Amish history have enhanced the interpretation and accuracy of my work. Nolt, as well as Michele Kozimor-King, Torveig Karina Strai, and Theron F. Schlabach, offered critical comments on the first edition that have significantly improved this revision.
Krista Malick, with a cheerful spirit, performed many of the tedious tasks of data analysis, historical documentation, and clerical assistance. My assistant, Michele Gómez, provided excellent clerical support for the endless revisions, as well as helpful administrative aid. Mark Lacher read the revised manuscript and offered valuable suggestions for improving it. And my longtime friend Dennis Hughes spent endless hours searching for photographs to illustrate particular sections of the story. I also thank Messiah College for providing space and time to complete the project. As always it has been a pleasure to work with my editors, George F. Thompson and Randy Jones, at the Center for American Places. They have been a continuing source of wise counsel and support. I have been fortunate to be blessed with many wonderful and gracious colleagues whose efforts and thoughtful advice have helped to improve the book in so many ways.
The Riddle of Amish Culture
CHAPTER 1
The Amish Story
We wish especially that our descendants will not forget our suffering.
—Anabaptist writer, 1645
SOCIAL RIDDLES
The tale of modern life is mixed. From laser surgery to genetic engineering, science has produced astonishing advances. But modernization is also a story of traditional cultures eroding beneath the swift currents of change. The Old Order Amish have demonstrated an amazing resilience to such cultural devastation. Their distinctive dress and horse-drawn buggies set them apart as a people who have dared to snub the tide of progress. How have they managed to tame the powerful forces of history?
Idyllic from afar, Amish culture is teeming with riddles upon closer inspection. Outsiders are often baffled by the logic, or apparent absence of it, in Amish culture. Many Amish practices seem to defy common sense. Contradictions and inconsistencies abound, bewildering admirers and skeptics alike. Even some of their neighbors, understandably, call them hypocrites for using the services of doctors and lawyers while forbidding their own children to pursue such vocations. Banning telephones from their homes but permitting them in an outdoor booth mocks common sense. By what rationale do the Amish permit electronic calculators but prohibit computers? And by what mystery does God smile on the use of electricity from batteries but not from public utility lines? What system of logic makes it plausible to pull modern machinery with horses? And why would owning a car lead one to hell, whereas it is perfectly permissible to ride in one? These riddles of Amish life appear silly and downright ridiculous to many Moderns.
The puzzles of Amish culture are baffling not only to outsiders but sometimes to the Amish as well. When asked why bicycles are off limits, a young Amish farmer said: “I really can’t give you an answer to that.” But before we criticize the Amish for not solving their own riddles, we should remember that Moderns would likely give the same answer when asked why men wear ties and women wear skirts.
Before the arrival of cars, tractors, and electronic technology, the Amish blended more smoothly into the surrounding society than they do today. They were, of course, different even then, with hook-and-eye fasteners on their coats, wide-brimmed hats, distinctive dress, and austere buggies. Many of their riddles, however, emerged in the twentieth century as they coped with the growing forces of industrializ
ation. Is there a system of logic beneath this cultural hodgepodge—a hidden web of meaning that explains the confusing conundrums?
The big riddle, however, eclipses all the smaller ones: How is it that a tradition-laden people who spurn electricity, computers, automobiles, and higher education are not merely surviving but are, in fact, thriving in the midst of modern life? By all expectations such a group should be fading in the face of a hi-tech, consumer society, but the Amish are booming. Why? That is the basic question addressed by this book.
POSSIBLE CLUES
There are some clues that may help us solve the mysteries of Amish culture. First, many of the apparent inconsistencies become intelligible when viewed in historical perspective. Amish practices did not suddenly drop out of the sky. Like the behavioral codes of other societies, Amish norms were socially constructed over time as the group grappled with material changes in its social environment. Viewed in the light of their history, many of the perplexing practices begin to make sense. If tractors had been used before cars, for example, it is possible that the Amish would be plowing their fields with tractors today. But the car came first, and its arrival shaped the Amish reaction to tractors.
Second, although the Amish advocate separation from the world, they do not live in a social vacuum. Members of other Plain churches live among the Amish in Lancaster County. Some of these churches branched off from the Amish. Many of the groups within the larger Plain community draw symbolic lines to distinguish themselves from one another. Some distinctive Amish practices emerged from the historical interplay between the Amish and their Plain-dressed cousins.
Third, some of the puzzles play important social functions in Amish life. The prohibition on photography, inexplicable to Moderns, helps to bridle individualism and build community solidarity. Refusing to use electricity from public utility lines eliminates access to mass media and helps to preserve traditional values. What appear as odd practices to outsiders often make sense within the purview and purposes of Amish society.